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THE
HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH, from the birth of Christ to the
18th Century: including the very interesting account of the
Waldenses and Albigenses
By William Jones
First Edition 1812
Fourth Edition 1819
Fifth Edition 1826
London: Printed for the Author by W. Myers, 7, Took’s Court,
Castle Street, Holborn
[Note from the publisher. This valuable out-of-print book was carefully formatted for electronic publication by Way of Life Literature. For a catalog of other books, both current and old, in print and electronic format, contact us at P.O. Box 610368, Port Huron, MI 48061-0368, fbns@wayoflife.org (e-mail), http://www.wayoflife.org (web site).]
[Table of Contents for "A History of the Christian Church" by William Jones]
CHAPTER SIX -- SECTION 4
THE HISTORY OF THE WALDENSES CONTINUED, FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH TO THE BEGINNING OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. A.D. 1551-1600
Among the distinguished favors which it hath pleased the Father of Lights to confer upon mankind, the invention of the art of printing has been, in its consequences, none of the least beneficial. Before this discovery, learning was accessible to none but persons of princely fortunes; but by this means it was brought within the reach of almost everyone; and that information became generally diffused which was necessary to subvert the cause of tyranny and superstition; thus, through the over-ruling providence of God, the art of printing turned out to be one of the most important events that have happened since the first promulgation of the gospel. Knowledge; which had indeed been gaining ground for some centuries before, was now wonderfully accelerated in its progress. The light acquired by one, was quickly diffused abroad, and communicated to multitudes. The facility of communication brought learning within the reach of the middle ranks--the dead languages became a general object of study--the Scriptures began to be consulted, not only in the Latin Vulgate, but also in the Greek--reading produced reflection, and thus diffused a light which it was no longer possible to conceal under a bushel. It would have been strange indeed, had the advocates of a system which was founded in ignorance, expressed no apprehensions of alarm at the introduction of these novelties. The faculty of Theology at Paris declared before the assembled parliament, that religion was undone, if the study of Greek and Hebrew was permitted. But the language of the monks in those days is still more amusing. We are informed by Conrad of Heresbach, a very grave and respectable author of that period, that one of their number is said thus to have expressed himself--"They have invented a new language, which they call Greek; you must be carefully on your guard against it; it is the mother of all heresy. I observe in the hands of many persons a book written in that language, which they call the New Testament. It is a book full of daggers and poison. As to the Hebrew, my dear brethren, it is certain that all those who learn it immediately become Jews" [See Villers’ Essay on the Reformation, by Luther, translated by Mill, p. 94. note; and Mr. Cox’s Life of Melancthon, p. 29].
The art of printing, which originated with John Guttenberg, a citizen of Mentz, was first attempted by him at Strasburg, from 1436 to 1440. His efforts which were, no doubt, at first very rude and indigested, had been greatly matured by skill and experience in the course of a century; and consequently, about the year 1535, we find the Waldenses of Piedmont anxious to avail themselves of it with a view to a more general circulation of the word of life. Hitherto they had been obliged to confine themselves to manuscripts; and, in the Waldensian tongue, they seem not to have generally possessed an entire version of the whole Bible, but the New Testament only, and some particular books of the Old. They now, however, contracted with a printer at Neufchatel, in Switzerland, for an entire impression of the whole Bible in French, for the sum of fifteen hundred crowns of gold. An elaborate preface, somewhat too declamatory for a publication of that kind, was prefixed by Robert Olivetan, who appears to have been one of their number, and who professes to have translated it for the use of the churches. Both Perrin and Sir Samuel Morland affirm this to have been the first French Bible that was printed and published; and on their authority I had so stated the fact in the first edition of this work. But on consulting Du Pin on the Canon, I am now convinced that this is a mistake. The words of the latter are, "The first edition of the French Bible, [printed] in the year 1530, is to be seen in the French king’s library; the second of the year 1534, is larger, and extant in the libraries of St. Germain de Prez, and of St. Geneviese. These two editions are prior to that of Robert Olivetan, [which was] the first done by the Protestants in the year 1535" [2 Du Pin on the Canon, etc. Volume 1, p. 217].
The works of Luther, of Calvin, and others of the reformers, beginning about this time to be in general use, they sent Martin Gonin, one of their number, to Geneva, to procure a supply of such books as he should think calculated to promote the instruction of the people. But on his journey he was unfortunately apprehended under suspicion of being a spy: and a discovery being made that he was a Waldensian, he was sent for safety to Grenoble, and there thrown into prison. The inquisitors having been made acquainted with the case, he was, by their advice, cast into the river Lyzere, during the night, for this important reason, as given by the inquisitor, that it was not expedient the world should hear him declare his faith, lest those who heard him should become worse than himself. [Perrin’s Waldenses, book 2, chapter 4.]
It was formerly noticed, that in the year 1560, THE WALDENSES IN CALABRIA formed a junction with Calvin’s church at Geneva. The consequence of this was, that several pastors or public teachers went from the neighborhood of Geneva to settle with the churches in Calabria. It seems probable that this circumstance had contributed to revive the profession in Calabria, or at least had brought the Waldenses more into public notice than they had hitherto been; and it spread an alarm among the Catholics, which reached the ears of pope Pius IV. Measures were, therefore, immediately taken for wholly exterminating the Waldenses in that quarter; and a scene of carnage ensued, which in enormity has seldom been exceeded. Two monks were first sent to the inhabitants of St. Xist, who assembled the people, and by a smooth harangue, endeavored to persuade them to desist from hearing these new teachers, whom they knew they had lately received from Geneva; promising them, in case of compliance, every advantage they could wish: but, on the other hand, plainly intimating that they would subject themselves to be condemned as heretics, and to forfeit their lives and fortunes, if they refused to return to the church of Rome. And at once to bring matters to the test, they caused a bell to be immediately tolled for mass, commanding the people to attend. Instead of complying, however, the Waldenses forsook their houses, and as many as were able fled to the woods, with their wives and children. Two companies of soldiers were instantly ordered out to pursue them, who hunted them like wild beasts, crying, Amassa, Amassa; that is, kill, kill! and numbers were put to death. Such as reached the tops of the mountains, procured the privilege of being heard in their own defense. They stated, that they and their forefathers had now for several ages been residents of that country--that during all that period their lives and conversation had been irreproachable--that they ardently wished to remain there, if they should be allowed to continue unmolested in the profession of their faith, but that if this were denied them, they implored their pursuers to have pity on their wives and children, and to permit them to retire, under the providence of God, either by sea or land, wherever it should please the Lord to conduct them--that they would very cheerfully sacrifice all their worldly possessions rather than fall into idolatry. They therefore, entreated in the name of all that was sacred, that they might not be reduced to the necessity of defending themselves, which if they were compelled to do, must be at the peril of those who forced them to such extremities. This expostulation only exasperated the soldiers, who immediately rushing upon them in the most impetuous manner, a terrible affray ensued, in which several lives were lost, and the military at last put to flight.
The inquisitors, on this, wrote to the Viceroy of Naples, urging him to send them some companies of soldiers, to apprehend certain heretics of St. Xist and de la Garde, who had fled into the woods; at the same time apprising him that by ridding the church of such a plague, he would perform what was acceptable to the pope and meritorious to himself. The viceroy cheerfully obeyed the summons, and marched at the head of his troops to the city of ST. XIST, where, on his arrival, he caused it to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet, that the place was condemned to fire and sword. Proclamation was at the same time made throughout all the kingdom of Naples, inviting persons to come to the war against the heretics of St. Xist, and promising as a recompense the customary advantages. Numbers consequently flocked to his standard, and were conducted to the woods and mountains whither the Waldenses had sought an asylum. Here they chased them so furiously, that the greater part were slain by the sword, and the rest, wounded and destitute, retired into caverns upon the tops of the rocks, where they perished by famine. Having accomplished their wishes on the fugitives from St. Xist, they next proceeded to la Garde, and apprehended seventy persons who were brought before the inquisitor Penza, at Montauld. This merciless bigot caused them to be stretched upon the rack, with the view of extorting from them a confession of adultery and other abominable practices too filthy to be mentioned; in no one instance of which did he succeed, though their tortures in many instances were so violent as to extinguish life. A person of the name of Marson was stripped naked and beat with rods, then drawn through the streets and burnt with fire-brands. One of his sons was assassinated, and another led to the top of a tower where a crucifix was presented to him, with a promise, that if he would salute it his life should be spared. The youth replied, that he would rather die than commit idolatry, and as to their threats of casting him headlong from the tower, he preferred that his body should be dashed in pieces on the earth, to having his soul cast into hell for denying Christ and his truth. The inquisitor, enraged at his answer, commanded him instantly to be precipitated, "that we may see," said he, "whether his God will preserve him."
Bernardine Conde was condemned to be burnt alive. As they led him to the stake, a crucifix was put into his hands, which he threw to the ground. The enraged inquisitor sent him back to prison, and to aggravate his torture he was first smeared over with pitch and then committed to the flames. The same inquisitor Penza caused the throats of eighty of them to be cut, just as butchers slaughter their sheep; their bodies were afterwards divided into four quarters, and the public way between Montauld and Castle Viller, for the space of thirty miles, was planted with stakes, and a quarter of the human frame stuck upon each of them. Four of the principal inhabitants of la Garde, viz. James Fermar, Anthony Palomb, Peter Jacio, and John Morglia were, by his order, hanged, in a place called Moran; but they met their deaths with surprising fortitude. A young man, of the name of Samson, defended himself dexterously for a length of time against those who came to apprehend him; but being wounded, he was seized and led to the top of a tower, where he was commanded to confess himself to a priest then present, before he was cast down. This, however, he refused, adding that he had already confessed himself to God, on which he was cast headlong from the tower. The following day the viceroy, walking at the foot of the tower, saw the unhappy youth still alive, but anguishing in tortures, having nearly all his bones broken. The monster kicked him on the head, and said, "Is the dog yet alive? give him to the hogs."
This is only a specimen of the brutal outrages that were carried on at this time against the Waldenses in Calabria; but the reader will, probably, think it quite sufficient. POPE PIUS IV was so resolutely bent upon ridding the country of them, that he afterwards sent the Marquis of Butiane to perfect what was left undone, with a promise that if he succeeded in clearing Calabria of the Waldenses, he would give his son a cardinal’s hat. He, indeed, found but little difficulty in effecting it; for the inquisitorial monks and Viceroy of Naples had already put to death so many, transporting others to the Spanish galleys, and banishing all fugitives, selling or slaying their wives and children, that not much remained for the marquis to accomplish.
Of their pastors, Stephen Megrin was imprisoned at Cossence, and literally starved to death. Lewis Pascal was conveyed to Rome, and there condemned to be burnt alive. As this man had been remarkable for his zeal, and the confidence with which he had maintained the Pope to be antichrist, he was reserved as a gratifying spectacle for his holiness and the conclave of cardinals, who were present at his death. But such was the address which Pascal delivered to the people, from the word of God, that the Pope would gladly have wished himself elsewhere, or that Pascal had been dumb and the people deaf! The account that is given us of his dying behavior, can scarcely fail to remind one of the case of the martyr Stephen; and his ardent zeal in the cause of Christ, added to his fervent supplications to the throne of grace, deeply affected the spectators, while the pope and cardinals gnashed their teeth through rage.
Such was the end of the Waldenses of Calabria, who were wholly exterminated: for if any of the fugitives returned, it was upon the express condition that they would in all things conform themselves to the laws of the church of Rome. [Perrin’s History of the Waldenses, book 2, chapter 7.]
About this time, Francis I king of France, obtained possession of the whole country of PIEDMONT by conquest, and regulated its affairs by means of its parliament at Turin. The Pontifical chair was then filled by Paul III who plied the parliament so sedulously to proceed against these pernicious heretics, the Waldenses, that the recent scenes of France were now re-acted in Piedmont; numbers of the Waldenses being committed to the flames. Happily these things were, in a great measure, new among them. They, therefore, presented an address to the king, humbly supplicating that they might be indulged with the same privileges under his government, which they and their forefathers had so long enjoyed under the house of Savoy. But Francis turned a deaf ear to their prayer, commanding them to be regulated in the concerns of religion by the laws of the Roman church, or they should be punished as heretics, adding, that he did not burn the followers of Luther in every part of France, to permit a nest of heretics, to rest secure in the bosom of the Alps. They were, therefore, commanded by the parliament to send away their pastors on pain of death; and in their room to receive priests belonging to the catholic church, to conduct their worship and sing masses for them. The Waldenses replied, that in what regarded their religious worship, they could obey no commands which interfered with the laws of God, to whom they rather chose to be obedient, in every thing that concerned his service, than to follow the fancies and inclinations of men. [Sir Samuel Morland’s Churches of Piedmont, p. 224. 414]
But the multiplicity of important concerns which, at that critical juncture, engaged the king’s attention, not permitting him to prosecute his measures against the Waldenses, the parliament relinquished the matter to the court of Inquisition, who committed to the flames as many as they could apprehend. In the year 1555, several were burnt, in the Castle Yard at Turin, and among others, Bartholomew Hector, a bookseller, who, by his admirable fortitude under his sufferings, his holy conversation, and fervent prayers to God, so deeply affected the spectators, that he drew tears from their eyes, and the language of compassionate sympathy from their lips. Not long after this, the parliament of Turin, resolving to second, by every means in their power, the efforts of the inquisitors, appointed a person of the name of St. Julian, president, and sent him throughout the valleys, armed with the king’s authority, and accompanied by an assessor, to compel the Waldenses either to conform to the church of Rome or to put them to death; promising to render their agents every assistance they might require, either to reduce to obedience, or exterminate them.
On their arrival at Perouse they issued a proclamation in the name of the king, commanding every one of the inhabitants to attend mass on pain of death. From thence they proceeded to Pignerol, where they summoned several persons to appear before them, and drew up indictments, probably with the view of terrifying the Waldenses; but not finding these methods to succeed to their expectations, they next had recourse to a new and more alluring expedient. St. Julian had brought with him several monks from the valley of Angrogne, one of whom he caused to preach before a large concourse of people. The zealous ecclesiastic labored indefatigably to persuade them to return to the church of Rome, the praises of which he extolled to the skies. The people heard him patiently to the end of his harangue; and then rising up, requested that one of their pastors, who happened to be present, might be indulged with the privilege of making some remarks on the sermon, but the president very prudently declined the proposal. His refusal, however, occasioned such murmuring throughout the auditory, that the president and his monks were petrified with astonishment, and took the first opportunity that was afforded them of decently retiring and returning to Turin.
On their arrival they informed the parliament of their proceedings, intimating how difficult it would be to subdue these people by coercive measures; and giving it as their opinion, that, even if attempted, the country afforded such facilities of defending themselves, that, either to reduce them to the obedience of the church of Rome, or to rid the country of them, must be an Herculean task, and performed at the expense of so much blood, that to exterminate them must be the work of a king, and of a king of France too: they, therefore, submitted it to consideration, that it would be prudent to transmit a report of this matter to his majesty, and leave the further prosecution of the Waldenses to his own discretion. This advice was adopted, and a year elapsed before the parliament took any further measures relative to them.
His majesty, however, at length reported his pleasure upon the message of the parliament; and it was, that all his subjects in Piedmont should be compelled to attend mass on pain of corporal punishment and the confiscation of their goods; and St. Julian was again sent to Angrogne to enforce obedience; but the people were still as averse to compliance as ever they had been. They answered that they were not bound to obey such decrees as were inconsistent with their duty to God. He then commanded twelve of the principal persons among them, with all the pastors and all the schoolmasters in the valleys, to surrender themselves prisoners at Turin, there to receive such sentences as should be passed upon them. They returned for answer, that such commands came from men only, and not from God, and that as they could not appear at Turin but at the risk of their lives and of being troubled on account of their religious profession, they declined compliance.
This contumacious behavior inflamed the parliament to the highest pitch. They proceeded against them in the most summary manner, causing all that could be apprehended in Piedmont, and on the confines of the valleys, to be committed to the flames at Turin; and among others a Mr. Jeffrey Varnigle was burnt in the year 1557, in the Castle Yard. He was attended by an immense concourse of spectators, upon whom his death made a strong and lasting impression; his fervent piety and resignation to the will of God tending greatly to confirm and establish their own minds.
While these things were in progress, Francis was removed from the stage of life, and his son Henry II raised to the throne. The protestant princes of Germany, now moved with compassion for the poor persecuted Waldenses, interceded for them with Henry, entreating him to permit them the same religious privileges which their forefathers had enjoyed from generation to generation. And their application was not without success, for they continued unmolested until peace was concluded between France and Spain, in the year 1559, at which time Piedmont was again restored to the Duke of Savoy.
No sooner had the inhabitants of Piedmont become the subjects of Philbert Emanuel, than a most pressing application was made to him by the monks of Pignerol to prosecute the most sanguinary measures against the Waldenses; and the latter, to counteract it, presented a humble petition to their sovereign, in which they informed him they were not ignorant of the many accusations laid against them, nor of the various calumnies that were cast upon them, with the view of rendering them odious to all the princes and monarchs of the Christian world. They then make a bold avowal of their principles as these respected the Christian faith, their readiness to yield obedience to their civil rulers, in everything that did not infringe upon the rights of conscience--their anxious wish to live peaceably with their neighbors; boldly affirming, that though often provoked to it, they had done violence to no man; and in this respect, they challenged any complaint that could be brought against them. They appealed to their published confessions of faith that they were not obstinate in their opinions; but on the contrary ready to receive all holy and pious admonitions that were sanctioned by the word of God; and that they were so far from evading discussion, that, on the contrary, they anxiously desired it. They implore his highness to consider that their religious profession was not a thing of yesterday, as their adversaries falsely reported; but had been the profession of their fathers, grandfathers, and great-grandfathers; yea, of their predecessors of still more ancient times, even of the martyrs, confessors, apostles, and prophets; and they called upon their adversaries to prove the contrary if they were able. Persuaded, therefore, as they were, that their religion was not a human invention, but founded upon the word of God, which shall remain for ever, they were confident that no human force should be able to extinguish it.
They call to the mind of their prince, the grievous persecutions that for many ages past had been carried on against their brethren, and which had been so far from destroying the sect, that their numbers were increasing daily--an argument, as they remarked, that the work and council was not of men but of God, and consequently not to be destroyed by violence. They remind him, that it is no trifling thing to fight against God; and beseech him to consider well what he is about to undertake, before he embrues his hands in innocent blood. "We shall religiously obey all your highness’s edicts," say they, "so far as conscience will permit--but JESUS IS OUR SAVIOR, and when conscience says NAY, your highness knows that it is our duty to obey God rather than man. While we frankly acknowledge the right of Caesar to demand from us what belongs to Caesar, we must also render to God what is due to HIM."
But whether this petition did not arrive in time, or that the duke actually turned a deaf ear to it, it seems that in the year 1561 the inhabitants of the valleys were considerably harassed by the military; in consequence of which they came to the resolution of sending deputies to Turin, to prevail upon the duchess, who was reported to be favorably disposed towards their cause, to intercede for them. In this instance they were more successful. An edict was issued in favor of the Waldenses, bearing date the 5th of June, 1561, granting them the privilege of holding their public assemblies in all the usual places, free from molestation; and that such of them as had been injured by the seizure and confiscation of their property, should have it restored, or receive a compensation for the same.
The following account of this matter, given by Sleidan’s Continuator, appears to me of too much importance to be omitted in this place.
"There was in Piedmont," says he, "a valley called by the name of Perouse, and St. Martin; inhabited by about fifteen thousand souls, whose ancestors about four hundred years since, had, upon the preaching of Waldo, Speronus, and Arnold, made a defection from the church of Rome, and had, at times, been severely treated for it, by the French, under whom they had been; but by the last treaty they were assigned to the Duke of Savoy. This people about the year 1555, had embraced the Reformation, and had suffered it to be publicly preached, though it was forbidden by the council at Turin, which, the year following, sent one of its own members to inquire after the offenders, and to punish them; to whom the inhabitants delivered the confession of their faith; ‘Declaring that they professed the doctrine contained in the Old and New Testaments, and comprehended in the Apostles’ Creed; and admitted the sacraments instituted by Christ, and the ten commandments, etc. That they believed the supreme civil magistrates were instituted by God, and they were to be obeyed, and that whosoever resisted them, fought against God. They said they had received this doctrine from their ancestors, and that if they were in any error they were ready to receive instruction from the word of God, and would presently renounce any heretical or erroneous doctrine which should be so shown to them.’
"On this a solemn disputation was appointed, concerning the sacrifice of the mass, auricular confession, tradition, prayers and oblations for the dead, and the ceremonies of the church and her censures: all which they rejected, alleging that they were human inventions, and contrary to the word of God. This confession was sent by the Duke of Savoy to the King of France, who about a year after returned an answer, That he had caused it to be examined by his learned divines; who had all condemned it as erroneous and contrary to true religion; and, therefore, the king commanded them to reject the confession and to submit to the holy church of Rome; and if they did not do so, their persons and estates should be confiscated. But they, on the contrary, were resolved to stand by their former confession. They were, therefore, commanded not to admit any teacher who was not sent by the Archbishop of Turin, or the council there; and that if any teachers came among them from Geneva, they should discover or apprehend them, upon pain of death, and loss of all they had. For three years after this, the Waldenses were let alone and no way molested; but this year; 1560, the Duke of Savoy, much against his will and inclination, was drawn by the pope to make war upon them. In the beginning of March, Jean de Carpuignan, and one Mathurim and his wife were apprehended and burnt, and several of the neighboring valleys were plundered, and many of the inhabitants put to death; about sixty were sent to the galleys, and some recanted and professed the Roman Catholic religion. After this, Thomas Jacomel, a Dominican, was sent with one Turbis for his assistant, who was a bloody man, to inquire diligently and severely into all that were suspected; but the nobility interposing, there was no great severity shown. The monks of the abbey of Pignerol, which was seated in the entrance of the valley, on the other side, kept a parcel of soldiers in pay, and entrapping as many of these poor people as they could, as they passed to and fro, they used them very cruelly; and some others of the nobility did the same thing; and a sedition following upon it, they fined the poor inhabitants one thousand six hundred crowns. Upon this a sharp war ensued, which ended in the ruin of the aggressors of the church of Rome.
"The pastor of Perouse was taken and burnt with a slow fire, together with many of his flock, and the inhabitants were despoiled of all they had, and forced to flee to the mountains. Being thus enraged with hard usage, in the month of July, fifty of them set upon one hundred and twenty soldiers belonging to the abbey of Pignerol, put them to flight, and slew the greatest part of them; and about four hundred more of their party coming up, they took the abbey of Pignerol, and delivered all their people which were imprisoned there. In October following, news being brought that the Duke of Savoy was sending an army to destroy them; they resolved, that it was not lawful to take arms against their prince, but that they would take what they could carry away, and betake themselves to the mountains, and there await the good pleasure of God, who never forsakes his own, and can turn the hearts of princes which way he pleaseth. There was not one man amongst them who repined against this decree. In aftertimes they had pastors who taught them otherwise, and told them it was not their prince, but the Pope that they resisted, and that they fought not for their religion, but for their wives and children. The 2d of November the forces of the Duke of Savoy entered their borders, and the soldiers attempting to get above them, they betook themselves to their slings, and maintained a fight against them (though they were but few in number) the space of a whole day, with no great loss. At last, the general finding they were not to be forced, gave them leave to petition the Duke of Savoy, ‘that they might live in peace, assuring him that nothing but utter ruin could have forced them to take arms against him: for which they humbly implored his highness’s pardon, and begging the liberty of their consciences, and that they might not be forced to submit to the traditions of the church of Rome; but might, with his leave, enjoy the religion they had learned from their ancestors.’
"This petition was seconded by the Duchess of Savoy, who was a merciful princess, and had great power over the affections of the Duke. It being ever her judgment that this people were not to be so severely used, who had not changed their religion a few days ago, but had been in possession of it from their ancestors so many ages. Upon this they were to be received to mercy; but the soldiery fell upon them when they suspected nothing, and plundered them three days together. The general seemed to be much concerned at this breach of faith: yet after this they were fined eight thousand crowns, which they were forced to borrow on great usury, and they were also commanded to bring all their arms into the castles which the duke had garrisoned in their country. And at last they were commanded to eject all their pastors (which was submitted to with the tears of their people) that they might avoid the fury of the soldiers. The general pretended not to be satisfied that their pastors were in reality gone, and when they suffered them to search their houses, the soldiers plundered them again, and then burnt their town. There was one town called Angrogne, in a valley of the same name, where the general pretended to show them more favor, and agreed that they should have one pastor left them: but they forced him also to flee into the mountains afterwards, and plundered his house, and all his neighbors, and then enjoined the Sindicks (or chief magistrates) to bring in the pastor; threatening that otherwise they would burn and destroy the whole territory; and when they had so done they withdrew.
"In the mean time their messengers were gone with their petition, mentioned above, to the Duke at Vercelli, where they attended forty days before they could get an audience, and then they were forced to promise they would admit the mass; and when the prince had, upon the seterms, forgiven their taking arms against him, they were commanded to ask pardon too of the Pope’s nuncio, which at last they did. During their absence, the inhabitants of Angrogne had permitted no sermons but in private, that they might not exasperate the prince, or make the affairs of their deputies more difficult. But they resolved when these were returned to exercise their religion openly, and not to give anything to the maintaining of the soldiers, whether their request was granted or denied.
"In the beginning of January the deputies returned, and when their principals understood what had been done, they wrote to the rest of the valleys to give them an account of it; and desired a public consultation or diet; at which it was resolved that they should all join in a league to defend their religion, which they believed was agreeable to the word of God, professing in the mean time to obey their prince according to the command of God, and that they would, for the future, make no agreement or peace, but by common consent, in which the freedom of their religion should be saved. Upon this they became more confident, refused the conditions offered by the Duke of Savoy, and the promises made by their deputies. And the next day they entered into the church of Bobbio, and broke down all the images and altars, and then marching to Villare, where they intended to do the like, they met the soldiers, who had heard what was done, going to plunder Bobbio, stopped them, and with their slings so pelted them, but they were glad to shift for their lives, and left these reformers to do the same thing at Villare. The captain of Turin attempting to quell this outrage was beaten, and the duke’s officers were glad to seek to their pastors for a passport. After this they beat the captain of Turin in a second fight. By this time the whole army drew into the field, and the inhabitants of these valleys not being able to resist them, the soldiers burnt all their towns and houses and destroyed all the people they took. In these broils Monteil, one of the Duke of Savoy’s chief officers, was slain by a lad of eighteen years of age; and Truchet, another of them, by a dwarf. The Duke of Savoy had sent seven thousand soldiers to destroy this handful of men; and yet such was the desperation, and the advantages of their country, that they beat his soldiers wheresoever they met them. And in all these fights their enemies observed that they had slain only fourteen of the inhabitants, and thence concluded that God fought for them. So the Savoyards began to treat for a peace, which at last was concluded to the advantage of these poor despicable people. The duke remitted the eight thousand crowns they were to pay by the former treaty, and suffered them to enjoy their religious liberty: so that he got nothing by this war but loss and shame, the ruin of his people on both sides, and the desolating of his country" [Sleidan’s History of the Reformation, Continuation, p. 52-54].
This calm, however, only lasted about four years; for in 1565, at the importunate request of the catholic party, an Edict was issued, enjoining every subject throughout the dominions of the Duke of Savoy, not conforming to the church of Rome, to appear before the magistrates of their several districts, within ten days after its publication, and there either declared their readiness to go to mass, or quit the country in two months. The magistrates were, at the same time, directed to take particular cognizance of such as refused compliance, and to transmit information thereof to his highness.
The protestant princes of Germany, having received information of this tremendous blow, which now threatened the Waldenses, very humanely interposed with the Duke, for the purpose of warding it off. The Elector Palatine of the Rhine, in particular, addressed a letter to him, which he transmitted by the hands of one of his counselors. I regret that its length, (for it occupies seven pages in folio) renders its entire insertion here impracticable; but some judgment may be formed of the noble sentiments that it breathes throughout from the following extracts:
"I plainly see," says the Elector Palatine, "whither the designs of your highness’s counsels tend. It is to drag these poor people to prison, and there, by means of torment, to constrain them to confess some treason, that so a pretext may be afforded for destroying all the churches of the valleys, as seditious, and to condemn them as disturbers of the public peace. But let your highness recollect, that there is a God in heaven, who not only beholds the actions of men, but who also tries their hearts and reins, and to whom all things are naked and open. Let your highness beware of willfully fighting against God, and of persecuting Christ in his members; for though he may bear it for awhile, to try the patience of his saints; he will, nevertheless, in the end, chastise the persecutors of his churches and people with horrible punishments. Let not your highness suffer yourself to be abused by the persuasions of the Papists, who may possibly promise you the kingdom of heaven, and eternal life, as a reward, in case you banish, imprison, and exterminate your subjects. But the infliction of cruelties and inhuman actions, are not the highway to the kingdom of heaven--there must be some other found out. Your highness may see what success has attended the last forty years of persecution. What advantage have those, who called themselves Catholics, derived from all the fires, swords, gibbets, prisons, tortures, and banishments which they have exercised in Germany, England, France, and Scotland! No; the history of both the Jews and the primitive Christians, abundantly shows that in the concerns of religion the power, authority, or severity of men availed nothing. Do we not find that those who have persecuted, banished, or delivered up unto death, the Christians, have been so far from gaining any thing thereby, that, on the contrary they have increased their number, inasmuch that it has become a proverb--‘The ashes of the martyrs are the seed of the Christian church.’ In this respect the church resembles the palm tree, which the more it is weighed down, the loftier it rises. Be assured, that true religion is nothing else than a firm and settled persuasion of the existence of God, and of his will, as revealed in his word, imprinted on the mind by the Holy Spirit, which having once taken root, cannot easily be eradicated by tortures and torments--for those who are the subjects of it, will sooner endure the worst that can befall them, than embrace any thing which appears to them contrary to religion and godliness.
"By the grace of God, evangelical truth now shines in such splendor, that the errors and deceits of the Bishop of Rome and all his clergy, are sufficiently known in a manner by all men; nor must the Pope think, henceforward, to abuse the world as he has done in former times. I, therefore, beseech your highness, whom I understand to be of a sweet and gentle disposition, that you would lay these things to heart, and not further molest these poor people for the sake of their religion, nor refuse them the free exercise of it, but rather allow them the liberty of assembling in public for the worship and service of God; in doing which you will readily discover the falsehood of the charges brought against them by their adversaries, and have a proof of their loyalty and obedience. Your highness is not ignorant what evils were brought upon France by their violence, in banishing and persecuting [the Christians there,] what a flame was raised, which in a manner consumed the whole kingdom, and what ruin ensued, all which has been appeased by one single edict, granting liberty of conscience; the result of which is, that the most entire peace and tranquillity reigns among them, though they profess different forms of religion. And, indeed, the plain truth is, that if your highness, out of complaisance to the Bishop of Rome, the cardinals, prelates, and others who are interested in the Roman religion, are resolved still to continue to persecute these poor people, you will unquestionably experience the same evils that have come upon other kingdoms. Nothing that is violent is of long duration; and we must not always follow the wolf into the wood. Poverty and hunger are no inconsiderable torments, nor is it an easy thing to lead so long and miserable a life in exile, when deprived of one’s goods and estates. It is the height of injustice and misery to be compelled to submit to the tyrannical yoke of the Bishop of Rome, and to be prohibited worshipping God according to his word. And it is wholly intolerable for good and faithful subjects to be accused as rebels or seditious persons.
"I learn, not without much grief, that scarcely any thing has yet been done in regard to the things which your highness promised my JUNIUS by word of mouth,* and that those poor wretches who are kept in the galleys on account of their religion, whose names he delivered in to your highness, are yet detained; from which I plainly perceive that these are the doings of your highness’s counselors, who are carried away with deadly hatred against our religion, of which I have proof, not merely by hearsay, but in the actual case of two who have been lately banished. But let me tell you in a word, that this severity is neither well-pleasing to God nor man, nor is it the way to bring men to the true knowledge of God, which must be done by persuasion and an appeal to the Scriptures--not by persecution. Your highness may probably tell me, that our religion has been long condemned--but I ask, by whom, and how? By him who has violated and corrupted all rights, human and divine, making himself both party and judge, and who has lately, at the Council of Trent, confirmed all his idolatries, and all the superstitions and abuses that have been introduced into the church. Let your highness carefully examine the Holy Scriptures, and you will find this to be the case. Never suffer yourself to be deluded by those deceivers, who maintain their idolatries and superstitions merely to serve their own bellies, and that they may lead the lives of epicures. Let your highness well consider, that you must one day appear before the tribunal of Christ, to give an account of the souls of your subjects, and where it will avail you nothing to say, ‘I thought so,’ or, ‘I esteemed it to be so,’ God has revealed his will in his word, and it is his pleasure that we should follow the same without turning either to the right hand or to the left. The word of God is also clear and plain; let your highness only hear and embrace it, and you will easily find out the truth. I say all this, as one who wishes well to your highness’s soul, as much so indeed as I do to that of my own, and I pray the Lord incessantly that it may please him to enlighten your understanding, and call you home to his true light, that you may discern truth from falsehood, and that thus having a knowledge of the horrible abuses of the church of Rome, you may serve God in sincerity and truth.
"I therefore beseech your highness to give us a pledge of that esteem which you have for us, by delivering those poor people which are now in the galleys, and recalling those that have been recently banished by the senate of Savoy, as you promised my JUNIUS and myself, by your letters. Have compassion upon so many wandering exiles, deprived of all their property and effects. Call them home, and restore them to their houses and habitations: and grant both to them, and to the other inhabitants of your highness’s country, the public exercise of their religious worship, which they esteem more necessary than their daily food. Absolve such of these poor people of the valleys as have been falsely accused, that so they may all live in peace and tranquillity under your highness’s government. Make such articles of peace with them as may be preserved inviolate--support them in the quiet exercise of that religion which you have permitted them, and defend them in the same, bridling and restraining the bitter hatred which their governor Castrocaro exercises towards them; and warn him to molest them no more for the future, as he has hitherto done; enjoin upon him that he refrain from falsely imputing to them crimes and accusations, by means of which he thinks to varnish over his tyranny; for such things are altogether unsuitable to the office of a magistrate and a governor, who ought to be a father to those that are committed to his charge. Do not render yourself an instrument to the Pope and his creatures, of gratifying their insatiable desires to spill the blood of Christians. Countenance not their cruelty and inhumanity against those who are in no wise perverse, but real Christians, and who have nothing more at heart than to serve God purely and uprightly under your highness’s government, to whom they are ready to yield all that obedience and fidelity which is your due, and to lay themselves out (their property, their persons, and their lives, if necessity calls for them) for your service. The great and all-powerful God guide and govern your highness by his Holy Spirit, and preserve and defend you long in health and safety" [Morland’s Churches of Piedmont, p. 243-249]. [* For understanding this, the reader must notice, that the elector had before this time, by means of one of his ministers, whose name was Junius, been interceding with the Duke, in behalf of some of the Waldenses, and that the latter had promised to redress the grievance, which, however, the catholic clergy and the Duke’s own ministers had successfully maneuvered to prevent.]
This letter, which breathes throughout the spirit of genuine Christianity, will be found, by those who bestow proper attention upon it, to throw much light upon the state of the Waldenses in Piedmont, at the middle of the sixteenth century. For while it gives us the most favorable view of their peaceable, prudent, and exemplary conduct, it unmasks the perfidious and cruel proceedings of the catholic party towards them, and the distresses and afflictions with which they were perpetually harassed, on account of their profession. It appears to have had the happiest effects upon the Duke; and, supported as it was, by the personal application of the Duchess, who is said to have been "a pious and virtuous princess," it bridled the fury of the governor Castrocaro, and averted the dreadful storm which hung over them. They appear to have enjoyed peace until the year 1571, at which time the rage of this inhuman governor again burst forth. The Duke, at that instant, had been drawn in to join several of the princes of Europe, in a league offensive against the Protestants; which he had no sooner done, than he began to molest his protestant subjects in the valleys. He first of all forbade them to hold any correspondence with the Waldenses of Dauphiny, on pain of death. And next they were forbidden to assemble in any synod or council, unless it were in the presence of the intolerant Castrocaro. These things sufficiently indicated the gathering of another storm; but the Duchess again humanely interposed, and with effect; for she procured the continuance of their privileges; and, indeed, during her life, she remained as it were a sanctuary and place of refuge for the members of the churches of Piedmont, whenever they found themselves assailed by their adversaries.
In the following year, 1572, the dreadful massacre of the Huguenots, on St. Bartholomew’s day, took place at Paris, and several of the other cities of France. No sooner had the news of this reached Castrocaro, than he prepared himself for similar exploits in Piedmont: and so terrific was the attitude in which he placed himself, that the Waldensian brethren thought it necessary to retire, with their wives, and children, and moveable effects, to the tops of the mountains and other places of real or fancied security. But God who has the hearts of all men in his hands, and who, at his pleasure, restrains the wrath of men, on this occasion disposed the heart of the Duke to befriend them. The massacres that had taken place in France filled him with disgust and horror; and so far was he from allowing the governor to act a similar part towards his subjects, that he caused a proclamation to be issued, commanding those who had left their habitations to return to their own houses, promising that they should sustain neither danger nor injury thereby; and they found him true to his word, for, from that time to the death of the Duchess, which took place on the 19th of October, 1574, they suffered but little inconvenience. After the death of this amiable lady, however, the Popish party came forth, like lions out of their dells, and sought, by all possible means to destroy the Waldenses; but the kind providence of God raised them up friends, from time to time, who interceded on their behalf with the Duke, whose heart seems to have been gradually and increasingly inclined towards them; for he continued to treat them with much gentleness and moderation from that time until the period of his own death, which happened on the 30th of August, 1580.
The late duke was succeeded in the government of the country by his son CHARLES EMANUEL, upon whose accession to the throne a trifling contest about territory arose between him and a French prince, which was near involving the Waldenses in a dilemma. The young Duke had seized upon the marquisate of Saluces, on which Monsieur de l’Esdiguieres, by way of retaliation, marched his army, and seized the valleys of Piedmont. When the fracas was over, a rumor was spread abroad that the Waldenses had taken the oath of fidelity to the King of France, and that the Duke displeased with that part of their conduct, had formed the resolution of extirpating all the Protestant churches in his dominions. There does appear to have been some truth in the latter part of this representation; for, some members of the Duke’s council actually proposed the thing, but it was overruled by the wiser and greater part of the members, and it met with a stern repulse from the Duke himself. The Waldenses, however, thought it expedient to appoint their deputies to wait upon him, which they did at Villaro, assuring his highness of their loyalty and fidelity to his government, and supplicating a continuance of his favor and protection. His answer, which was made in the presence of a great number of his lords and courtiers was calculated to revive their drooping spirits. "Only be faithful to me," said the Duke, "and I shall not fail to be a good prince, nay, a father to you. And as to your liberty of conscience and the free exercise of your religion, I shall be so far from introducing any innovations into those liberties which you have enjoyed to the present time, that if any offer to molest you, have your recourse to myself, and I shall effectually relieve and protect you."
This certainly was a very remarkable declaration, especially when we consider that it came from one who professed himself a member of the church of Rome. But it was spoken in the presence of many persons of high consideration, and in the most condescending manner; and it proved eminently conducive to the interests of the Waldenses. It countervailed the threats of their implacable adversaries, and kept them in check; and such, with occasional interruptions indeed from the catholic party, sometimes by secret stratagems, and at others by open force, continued their condition until the end of the century. About that time the scene greatly changed, and the years 1601 and 1602 were prolific of mischief to the churches, both in the valley of Lucerne and the marquisate of Saluces, of which some mention will be made in the next section; I shall close the present with a short article of biography which may serve as all introduction to the history of the Waldenses during the seventeenth century.
In the year 1601, Bartholomew Copin, a Waldensian of the valley of Lucerne, had occasion to attend a public fair at Ast, a city in Piedmont, to which he had brought for sale some articles of merchandise. Sitting at table one evening in company with several other merchants, one of them started a discourse upon the subject of the diversity of religious professions, and took occasion to speak reproachfully of the Waldenses of Angrogne and the neighboring valleys. Copin undertook their defense; conceiving that if he permitted such calumnies to pass uncontradicted, he should appear to be acquiescing in their justice, and of course should partake in the guilt that attached to them. "And what," said the stranger to Copin, "are you one of the Waldenses?" "Yes," said he, "I am." "And what, do you not believe the real presence of God in the host?" "No," said Copin. "See," replied the other, "what a false religion yours is." "Of the truth of my religion," said Copin, "I have no more doubt, than I have of the existence of God himself, or that I myself shall die." On the following day, Copin was summoned to appear before the bishop of Ast, who told him that he had been informed of certain scandalous opinions and discourses which he had held the preceding evening at his lodgings; and that unless he confessed his fault, and asked pardon, he should certainly have him punished. Copin acknowledged that he had been stimulated to say what he did; but that, nevertheless, he had said nothing that was untrue, or which he would not maintain at the peril of his life. He owned that he had some property in the world, and a wife and children, but that his affections were not so riveted to those objects, as to prefer them to the testimony of a good conscience. And as to his life and conversation, if the bishop thought proper to inquire of the merchants of Ast, all of whom knew him, he might be fully satisfied of his uprightness and integrity.
This, however, did not satisfy his lordship, who instantly sent him to prison; and on the following day, the bishop’s secretary paid Copin a visit, when he expressed great regard for him, but thought it necessary to apprize him that, unless he acknowledged his fault, he was in danger of losing his life. Copin replied, that his life was in the hands of God--that he had no wish to preserve it to the prejudice of his glory--and that as there were but two or three steps between him and heaven, he trusted he would support him by his grace, and not leave him to turn aside. He was next brought before the inquisitor, who examined him in the presence of the bishop; but Copin always repulsed them with the word of God, telling them that were he to be ashamed of and deny Christ, he would be ashamed of and deny him before his heavenly Father. The inquisitor, finding he was not to be moved by either his fair speeches or terrific frowns, then thus addressed him. "Out upon thee, thou cursed Lutheran; thou shalt go to the devils in hell, and when tormented by those foul spirits, thou wilt call to mind the holy instructions we have given thee, to bring thee to salvation--but thou choosest rather to go to hell, than reconcile thyself to thy holy mother, the church." Copin only answered, that he had long been reconciled to the holy church.
Copin, foreseeing that his death was resolved on, and that his time here would probably be short, was one day greatly surprised by a visit from his wife and son, who seem to have been enticed to the prison by the catholic party for sinister purposes, and who were permitted to sup with him in the prison. He improved the time, however, in exhorting his wife to submission to the will of God: telling her she would soon be deprived of her husband, and the child of its father; he reminded her that it was not his duty to love wife or children more than Christ--that she ought to esteem him happy in that it pleased God to confer upon him the honor of bearing witness to his truth at the expense of his life; and that he hoped God would grant him grace to suffer any torments for his sake. It is unnecessary to dwell upon the parting scene, which the reader’s own reflections will enable him to realize. The affecting lamentations of the wife and child were sufficient to melt the most obdurate heart into pity and compassion, but having received his last benediction, they were dismissed the prison, and Copin was locked up as before. On the next day he wrote the following letter.
TO MY WELL-BELOVED CONSORT, SUSANNA COPIN "My dearest Consort! "I derived much consolation from your late visit--and indeed so much the more, by how much the less it was expected. I believe, also, it was no little satisfaction to yourself, to have the opportunity of supping with me, as it fell out on Saturday, the 15th of September, 1601. I know not how it came about that we were permitted so to do; but all things are in the hands of God, and be the cause what it may, I do not think we shall eat together any more. And, therefore, beseech God to be your comforter, and put your trust in him, who hath promised never to forsake those that depend upon him. You want not prudence, and therefore so manage and govern your house, that you may have Samuel and Martha in proper subjection to you, and I command them, by the authority that God hath given me, that they honor and obey you, and in so doing they will be blessed of God. As to the rest, be neither troubled nor concerned about me; for if divine Providence hath decreed to put a period to my life, and if it please him to demand a restitution of that soul which he hath a long time lent me, my confidence is in him, that out of his immense mercy and divine goodness, he will receive it into heaven, for the sake of his Son Christ Jesus, who, I believe, hath made expiation for our sins by his sufferings and death. Be constant in prayer to God, and serve him fully--for thus you will be happy. You need not send me any thing for three weeks to come; but at the expiration of that time you may, if you please, send me some money, to pay the gaoler and my own support, if I live so long. Recollect what I have often told you, that God added fifteen years to the life of king Hezekiah, but that he had prolonged my term much more, for you have seen me, as it were, dead a long time ago, and yet I still survive; and I hope and trust that he will preserve my life until my death be more for his glory and my own happiness, through his goodness and mercy towards me." From the prison of Ast, Sept. 16th, 1601.
Poor Copin was soon afterwards found dead in his cell, not without symptoms of having been strangled! After his death he was condemned to be burnt; and the body having been brought out of prison, sentence was read over it, and it was cast into the fire. [Perrin’s History, book 2, chapter 4.]